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Millennium Development Goals in Lebanon

As a middle income country with a tradition of concern for human development, Lebanon should have good prospects of achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Indeed in the baseline year for the Goals (which has been taken as 1995 in view of the disruption of the civil war ending in 1990), extreme poverty was assessed to be as low as 6.3% with primary school enrolment and literacy almost universal. However, the combination of Lebanon’s dysfunctional politics and the devastation rendered by Israel in the 2006 war has left the economy in a straitjacket in which social services may be compromised, with key welfare indicators struggling to move forward.

© Shadi Hamadeh

For example, whilst 35% of the population fell within a looser definition of poverty based on needs in 1995, current estimates suggest that this figure remains as high as 30%, with high unemployment a contributory factor. The majority of Lebanese who survive below the poverty line live in the rural south or in the Beirut suburbs where they are often denied access to services enjoyed elsewhere in the country, particularly for education and maternal health. Given the uncertain capacity to monitor data relevant to the Goals and worries about the position for core groups of disadvantaged people, it is quite possible that extreme poverty is rising rather than falling. Much may depend on the continued capacity of local community organisations to assist those most in need.

As in most Arab countries, gender inequality is a major concern with both cultural attitudes and antiquated legislation in need of reform. For example, Lebanese women cannot transfer their nationality to husbands and children. In 1995 women occupied only 14% of non-agricultural employment and the tiny female representation in parliament is unlikely to be remedied by 2015.

Conflict in Lebanon

Lebanon is home to an unusually large variety of religious sects that contribute both an attractive cultural diversity and the less attractive and rather more uniform culture of opportunist “strongmen” surrounded by private militias, all too often seeking political resolution through violence. Such volatility creates a sense of insecurity in neighbouring countries and the long Lebanese civil war of 1975 to 1990 brought both Syrian and Israeli forces into Lebanon’s territory, the latter concerned in particular about the most influential Shia militia known as Hezbollah, active in southern Lebanon. Both the civil war and the 2006 war, in which Israel engaged with Hezbollah, have been described as proxy wars fought on Lebanese territory between US and Israel on one side and Syria and Iran on the other.

South Beirut, 2006 © Marie Claire Feghali / United Nations' Integrated Regional Information Network

The 2006 war could be viewed in this light. Although the apparent trigger was the capture of two Israeli soldiers by Hezbollah, evidence exists that this was a premeditated attempt by Israel to wipe out Hezbollah, with tacit US approval. In the event, Hezbollah’s capacity to fire rockets into Israel, indiscriminately targeted, remained undiminished when belated US pressure eventually led to a ceasefire. It is less clear why Israel should have destroyed much of Lebanon’s infrastructure together with 125,000 houses or why, in the final 3 days of the conflict with the ceasefire looming, aircraft sprayed up to 4 million cluster bomblets over southern Lebanon. Over 1200 Lebanese were killed, most of them civilians, and a quarter of the population was displaced – over 100 Israelis were killed.

Israeli cluster bombs in Lebanon © Hugh Macleod / United Nations' Integrated Regional Information Network

Israel’s use of cluster bombs infringed the agreement with their US suppliers who stipulated use only for military targets. Amnesty International’s investigation of the 34-day war concluded that Israel’s destruction of Lebanon’s civilian infrastructure was deliberate, having no strategic relevance to the conflict, and that “both Hizbullah and Israel committed serious violations of international humanitarian law, including war crimes”.

The UN despatched over 10,000 troops in a peacekeeping force, UNIFIL, to work alongside a similar number of Lebanese government troops deployed in South Lebanon for the first time. The terms of the UN resolution envisage that UNIFIL will assist the Lebanese army to take over security of the border region and that Hezbollah should be disarmed - but the logistics remain unclear. There is also tension for the international donor community which prefers to distribute funds through the Lebanese government despite the acknowledged efficiency of Hezbollah in facilitating reconstruction work and social welfare.
Politics in Lebanon

The civil war ended in 1990 with the signing of the Taif Accord which agreed amendments to Lebanon's constitution and permitted Syria to retain a large military presence in Lebanon. Through this role as enforcer of security, Syria became a major influence behind political decisions taken in Beirut and as such shaped the Lebanese political spectrum broadly into pro-Syria (mainly Sunni and Druze Christians) and anti-Syria (mainly Shia, Hezbollah “Party of God” and Christian followers of former General Aoun) factions.

Fouad Siniora © Serene Assir / United Nations' Integrated Regional Information Network

The assassination of former Prime Minister and anti-Syria politician, Rafiq Hariri, in early 2005 sparked public and international outrage which in the “cedar revolution” forced Syria to withdraw its troops and the government to resign. The election held in June 2005 was duly won by parties united by their opposition to Syrian influence, led by prime minister Fouad Siniora, a former close associate of Rafiq Hariri whose son, Saad al-Hariri, heads the Future Movement group of elected members.

A 2006 UN inquiry into the murder of Hariri implicated figures very close to the Syrian leadership and Lebanese politics is now driven by the acquisition of power to advance or obstruct

Rafiq Hariri © Radio Netherlands Wereldomroep

progress of a UN-sponsored tribunal of investigation due to take place in the Netherlands. This has ranged from the explicit veto of the original proposal for a joint UN/Lebanon tribunal by pro-Syrian president Emile Lahoud to the implicit aims of mass demonstrations in favour of a “more representative” government of “national unity” - which reflect how Hezbollah’s political aspirations have been enhanced by the war with Israel. The expiry of the president’s term of office in September 2007 has further exposed the refusal of the factions to compromise over the election of a successor – Lahoud himself doing nothing to facilitate his country’s need by departing in a spirit of hostility to the government.

The impasse is partly the fault of the constitution, agreed in the Taif Accord, which goes out of its way to accommodate Lebanon’s deep sectarian divisions. It stipulates that the president should be a Maronite Christian whilst the prime minister and speaker in parliament must be Sunni and Shiite Muslims respectively. Parliamentary seats are shared equally between Christians and Muslims, despite the latter having a 70% majority in the population. The existence of as many as 18 different sects within these two major groups is also recognized in a system of proportional representation.

Recognising that this customized approach to democracy would cement divisions rather than encourage cross-sectarian institutions, the

Lebanon votes © Radio Netherlands Wereldomroep

Taif Accord called for a future update of the constitution in order to progress towards a more conventional political structure. This review is now overdue and seems ever less likely as discourse follows well-worn sectarian paths, depressingly punctuated by political assassinations, no fewer than 7 anti-Syrian senior figures having been killed since Hariri’s death.

A reasonably thriving civil society sector reinforced by a strong culture of volunteering focuses its efforts mainly on poverty, women’s rights and the environment. Ironically, these modest groups may achieve more to bridge sectarian divides than the country’s formal institutions of government which fail to connect with the people’s priorities.
Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon

The streets of Ein el-Hilweh

The Palestinian refugees in Lebanon, most of who fled during the 1967 war when Israel occupied the West Bank and Gaza, have been living since then in appalling conditions in 12 camps throughout the country. Despite numbering over 400,000, the refugees’ presence is seen both by them and by the Lebanese as temporary, even though many were born in Lebanon. Their legal status is limited as Lebanon is not a signatory of the Geneva Convention. The Palestinians have no access to government welfare services and no rights to property or citizenship. The refugees are dependent instead on the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). Only in 2005 did the Lebanese government agree to allow refugees born in the country to apply for clerical or manual jobs – conduct of professional services is prohibited.

“Security” in the camps is the responsibility of the Palestinians themselves which, together with the despair of poverty, creates an environment in which militant groups can develop. An explosion of violence occurred in 2007 when the Lebanese army broke with convention and entered the Nahr el-Bared camp to engage with Fatah al-Islam militants. The subsequent war of words over whether Syria or even al-Qaeda was behind this group proved inconclusive but the siege lasted months and totally destroyed the camp, forcing almost 30,000 people to flee to the neighbouring Baddawi camp. The Commissioner General of UNRWA, Karen Abu Zayd, has said that “in decades of service with the United Nations I have witnessed nothing like this”. The agency has launched an initial appeal for $55 million to cover the first year of rebuilding costs.
The Economy in Lebanon

The cost of reconstruction following the 2006 war is estimated at $2.8 billion, excluding the damage to the economy such as loss of income from tourism. A donor conference held in Paris in 2007 was successful in raising pledges of $7.6 billion for restoring Lebanon’s economy but most of these were concessional loans rather than grants. Lebanon's debt ratio is already one of the highest in the world, with debt at the end of 2006 totalling over $40 billion, about 200% of GDP.

Although the development plan outlined in Paris expressed commitment to health, education and a social safety net, the terms of international donor support on this scale will inevitably entail tough neo-liberal economic conditions unlikely to promote full employment or accommodate pro-poverty policies. Privatisation is the starting point for debt repayment and plans are afoot to sell off profitable telecommunications and utility companies. The Ministry for Economy and Trade is also in favour of pressing ahead with Lebanon’s application to join the WTO, arguing that there will be no negative impacts and that the country's Arab neighbours have either joined or are likely to do so.

Lebanon's economy is hugely dependent on remittances from Lebanese who work abroad and who are thought to greatly outnumber the country's population. It is estimated that remittances total between $5-$8 billion each year, almost 25% of GDP.
The Environment in Lebanon

Lebanon's historic trees

The 2006 war created two of the worst environmental nightmares that the modern world has to offer. Firstly the spillage of oil from the bombed Jiyeh power plant which affected 150 kilometers of coastline, creating a clean-up bill estimated at $150 million. Secondly the menace of one million unexploded remnants of cluster bombs, the failure rate of the sub-standard weapons used by Israel estimated to be as high as 25%. The inevitable casualties have especially affected farming communities.

In peacetime the key issues, as in many arid and semi arid countries, are concerned with water supply and desertification, both problems linked to climate change and poverty. The country has a weak structure of water management leading to excessive wastage and pollution. Development agencies are concerned that water shortages for individual users may arise within period addressed by the MDGs, especially in light of the damage to water facilities caused by the Israeli bombing.



The OneWorld Lebanon Guide was first published in this format in November 2005 with a text written by Volunteer Editor Bart Shaw

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